This October, elections were held in Central, East and West Africa, with Cameroon, Cote d’Ivoire and Tanzania all going to the polls. Elections held to high standards often serve as a mechanism to further entrench democratic principles in society, producing a leader who represents the will of the people and also ensuring a smooth transition of power. Elections are also expected to take place in an environment that allows for free political activity, where citizens have the right to challenge those in power peacefully and within the confines of the law, and where the process is free from any form of intimidation. Unfortunately, elections are not always held to the same standards. Instead, elections can serve as a tool to further entrench those in power; providing a veil of legitimacy and a supposed public mandate.
The outcome of the elections in Cameroon were expected to produce a result that would keep the government in power. Paul Biya is the world’s oldest head of state, at 92 years of age, having come into power in 1982. Cameroonians went to the polls on 12 October and the final results, validated by the Constitutional Council, were announced on 27 October. President Biya won an eighth consecutive term in office, which at seven years in length, will see him remain in power until he is 99. Biya, who is not often seen in public, only attended one campaign event in person during this election cycle. Cameroon is a country facing a number of challenges, such as the Boko Haram incursion in the north, a separatist movement in the south, and a large number of Internally Displaced Persons and refugees, as well as a stagnant economy and high levels of youth unemployment. Additionally, these elections were held against the backdrop of opposition repression. Maurice Kamto, one of the key opposition leaders, was barred from contesting the 2025 elections, having previously been arrested in 2019.
The results announced on 27 October saw Biya win 53.7% of the vote, ahead of Tchiroma Bakary with 35.2%. Prior to the announcement of the results, Tchiroma Bakary, once an opponent to Biya’s rise to power, later an ally and cabinet member, and subsequently an opponent of the Biya government, declared himself the winner. He called on Biya to resign, with some of the other candidates in the election calling to congratulate him on his victory. This also led to supporters holding vigil outside his house, as they feared the police would arrest him. Protests took place in Tchiroma’s hometown of Garoua and in the capital, Yaoundé, where clashes with the police led to two deaths.
In Cote d’Ivoire, president Alassane Ouattara, who came to power in 2011, and who at 83 is almost a decade younger than Biya, sought a fourth term in office. Ouattara has claimed that a 2016 constitutional amendment effectively reset presidential term limits, allowing him to seek a third and now fourth term in office. This move was controversial in 2016, with the main opposition boycotting the elections. Cote d’Ivoire held its elections on 25 October, but were again held against the backdrop of controversy surrounding Ouattara’s decision to seek another term. Citizens have called on him not to run for a fourth term, while opposition candidates have also alleged that members of the security services searched their homes without warrants, an act widely seen as an attempt to intimidate those whose might challenge the authority of the current president. There were also protests, mainly by young people, who targeted the offices of the electoral commission, prompting the authorities to impose a curfew.
President Biya won an eighth consecutive term in office, which at seven years in length, will see him remain in power until he is 99
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The outcome of the election were announced on 27 October, with Ouattara receiving 89.77% of the votes, an increase from the 83% he received in the previous election. Human rights groups noted that there was a heavy deployment of security personnel prior, during and after the elections and a clampdown on dissent. As in the case of Cameroon, holding of elections does not, in and of itself, constitute democratic consolidation. Such processes rarely bring about the changes so often sought by the population. The spirit of democracy must also be upheld, such as adhering to term limits, refraining from intimidating opposition figures or suppressing public dissent.
Unfortunately, Africa’s third election in October, in Tanzania, seems to be following in similar footsteps to those of Cameroon and Cote d’Ivoire. Tanzania is holding its elections on 29 October, with security heightened and calls for protests from Tanzanians both inside and outside the country. The current president, Samia Suluhu Hassa, is expected to win the elections, after a campaign period that has been marked by, inter alia, intimidation of the opposition. The main opposition party, Chama Cha Demokrasia na Maendeleo, will not be participating in the elections after refusing to sign the electoral code of conduct. Its chairman has been arrested and is facing treason charges. Other opposition leaders have also been arrested, alongside allegations of abductions and killings of opposition figures, with Amnesty International noting a deepening humanitarian crisis and a wave of terror in Tanzania in the build-up to the elections. The current climate in Tanzania is not one about to celebrate the unfolding of the latest chapter in the country’s democracy. Instead, the intimidation and threats faced by those in the opposition threatens to undermine the state’s legitimacy both in the eyes of its own citizens and those of the rest of the world.
The Charter commits African Union member states to hosting free and fair elections that ensure effective citizen participation, while also recognising the rights and of opposition parties
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The African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance (ACDEG) outlines the continent’s commitment to democracy, good governance and the rule of law. The Charter commits African Union member states to hosting free and fair elections that ensure effective citizen participation, while also recognising the rights and of opposition parties. However, language around elections in Africa has shifted from ‘free and fair’ to congratulating the proclaimed winner of the elections, while noting with concern any violence and calling for restraint. When coups take place in Africa, they are often described as part of ‘a wave,’ accompanied by narratives highlighting state dysfunction and weak democratic principles. However, coups and hollow elections are two sides of the same coin, as elections that are not free and fair can have the same de-legitimising effect on democracy as coups. Neither outcome reflects the will of the people, nor is it likely to produce the governance and economic reforms necessary to bring about the positive changes many citizens seek, such as improved service delivery, greater job opportunities and sustained economic growth.
Katharine Bebington is a researcher at ACCORD.
