The outbreak of COVID-19 has not only exposed the vulnerabilities of many countries, but has in some cases exacerbated existing fault lines yielding conflictual outcomes that might take many years to address.
ISWAP, noticing the vacuum created by the death of Shekau, seized the opportunity to move in and present itself as the most prominent violent extremist group in the region, and has deepened its relationship with the Islamic State (IS), thus making itself a global threat and expanding the network and reach of such groups.
Conflict and violence need to be understood in localised contexts and realities; this allows for an understanding of conflict that is unique to a country’s history and socio-political reality. Eswatini does not exhibit the signs of what the WPS agenda considers conflict.
If politics is about who gets what, when, and how, then the political economy of managing diversity, especially in the era of competitive electoral politics, is also crucial to reflect upon.
The alarming rate of coups on the continent are an indicator that firmer measures are required from the AU and respective regional bodies as a deterrent.
Prior to the coups, the continent had already witnessed 7 popular uprisings within the last decade that brought about changes in government. The actions, and inactions, of the military were critical to the outcome of these uprisings.
There are a number of examples of networked multilateralism in Africa, where regional and global institutions work together to pursue peace and stability on the continent, including in the area of peace support operations.
Much has changed since the Ansar al-Sunna insurgent group in northern Mozambique captured the vital port city of Palma in April 2021. The setback, and subsequent withdrawal of Total Energy from its $20 billion natural gas project in the area, shocked Mozambique’s government after years of underestimating the insurgency, and failed experimentation with mercenaries. Even so, it was oddly reluctant to accept a Southern African Development Community’s (SADC) intervention mission, first delaying in at least two SADC Summits the mission announcement and then delaying the signing of the Status of Forces Agreement (SOFA) without which no troops could deploy. It now appears that this was intentionally done in order to allow for a rapid deployment of over 1 000 Rwandan military and police personnel to the area long before substantial SADC Mission in Mozambique (SAMIM) could deploy.
At a time of a health crisis, societal tensions, and social-political unrest in South Africa, now, more than ever, we need to bring a meaning to solidarity and put our hands and hearts together to explore how we can rebuild social cohesion and peace in a divided South Africa.
As South Sudanese celebrated the tenth anniversary of independence on 9 July, their ambitions to build a nation that they fought for and that many have scarified their lives for, have not yet been realized. Many challenges still undermine the nation building programmes and the people’s aspirations.