ACCORD has adapted to the new COVID-19 reality, refocusing and restructuring a significant proportion of its staff and its effort on identifying & monitoring, tracking &, analysing, and preparing & responding to COVID-19 related social-unrest and violent conflict in Africa.
Through our networks across Africa, and supported by available online data, ACCORD identifies COVID-19 related incidents and trends that may provide early warning of rising tensions that could develop into social unrest and violent conflict. Once the incidents are captured in the dataset, ACCORD analyses the trends and publishes a weekly COVID-19 Africa Conflict and Resilience Monitor, in order to share the information and analysis with all stakeholders.
ACCORD then works with its in-country networks and other local, regional, continental and international partners and stakeholders, to encourage and support interventions aimed at mitigating, and where possible preventing, COVID-19 related social unrest and violent conflict.
The July edition of the Monitor begins with an article by Francis M. Deng and Maiwen Ngalueth on the evolution of the concept Sovereignty as Responsibility into Responsibility to Protect. They argue that the next step in this evolution should be the concept of Human Security as Responsibility. Their article discusses how the concept of human security led to the understanding that sovereignty does not rest in the ability to protect borders alone, but also in the ability to protect the people within the borders.
In the next article, Jide Martyns Okeke argues for the development of a pan-African continental commodity exchange so that Africa is able to better capitalise on its rich critical mineral reserves. This commodity exchange, which will help determine a price that both buyers and sellers trust, could help improve access to finance, industrialisation, job creation and conditions for African firms to be more competitive. He argues that gold and copper should be the minerals that form the foundation of the commodity exchange to build its depth, before expanding to other markets.
The third article, written by Abadir M. Ibrahim and Hilina Berhanu Degefa, is a follow-up to an article published last month on the state of Ethiopia’s democracy in the context of the elections held this year. They argue that Ethiopia has oscillated between democratic reforms and regression since the early 2000s, and the 2026 elections are no exception. They point out that Ethiopia has not be able to establish viable political opposition to the incumbent political party, due to both opposition repression and shortcoming within the opposition itself. They conclude that this has undermined Ethiopian democracy itself, and it reflects a society with deep social divisions.
Finally, Adam Randera has written an article about how the rise in coalition governments has led to a decline in women’s representation in legislative bodies in local governments in South Africa. He argues that barriers to meaningful women participation in politics has always existed, but in a time of coalitions, gender equality is often not a factor in negotiations and something that can be bargained away, especially as parties have different gender equality policies, and gender parity provisions are not included in existing local government legislation. However, he argues that it is important to have women in legislative bodies as they mainstream women’s experiences and ensure that policies and practices are more gender equal.
Who bears responsibility when authority itself is fragmented, especially in conflict-affected territories?
Africa captures little of its known endowment; a continental commodity exchange may be the beginning of addressing these deficiencies
The 2026 election in Ethiopia also saw the continued rollback of many reforms that came with the 2018 transition
If you are able to share information from your experiences on the ground with the crisis in Africa, we'd really like to hear from you. Please get in touch!